RISULTATI RICERCA

L’interpretazione che Natorp ha dato della filosofia di Platone è prevalentemente considerata una paradossale forzatura entro la cornice del pensiero kantiano. Senza sfumare l’importanza del quadro di riferimento cui Natorp si attiene, e della versione continuistica della storia della ragione che lo caratterizza, il saggio intende tuttavia suggerire che alla fisionomia di questo quadro abbia contribuito, invece, proprio la diretta lettura dei testi platonici da parte di un Natorp che orgogliosamente si definisce un «filologo della scuola di Bonn». In particolare, esaminando l’interpretazione del Teeteto, si mettono in luce sfumature significative della questione cruciale nel neokantismo marburghese circa il ruolo della sensibilità nella struttura della conoscenza.

In his Traicté de l’oeconomie politique (1615), Antoine de Montchrétien proposed a model of development, based on an autarkic economy, formulating analytical and political alternative to increasing integration of world trade, which in the seventeenth century was under Dutch and English hegemony. Montchrétien’s response to the problem of world trade integration focused on the establishment of a French colonial empire, completely self-sufficient and closed to international trade. Montchrétien proposed an “economic nationalism” connecting politics and the economy, in a perspective that would be called geo-economic, pitting nationalism against globalization to avoid the failure in international trade competition that could threaten the political survival and independence of the country’s national interests. This paper explores the analytical frameworks of Montchrétien’s autarkic model, which constitutes an exception in the 17th century literature, which is focused on the idea of commercial supremacy and the gains of trade in a context of international competition.

The aims of history education are inevitably contested and particularly so in the context of the United Kingdom where at least four nations are contained within one state structure. This article reviews the project of the English National Curriculum, introduced in 1988-1991, and revised and reissued since on four further occasions, and it traces change and continuity in the contents and disciplinary framing of the curriculum over time. Contrasts between these changes and the understandings of history espoused by historians and by politicians are considered, as are the varying ways in which political agendas have shaped and reshaped the curriculum.

The purpose of the study is to establish the role of climate change threat in shaping national strategies and foreign policy relations of the actors in international relations. The methods of the study include document analysis of international agreements and national legislation, case studies, and comparative analysis in the context of differences in approaches to climate communication. The results of the study demonstrate that the rhetoric of European Union officials and aspects of European climate strategies position the EU as a leader in adapting to climate threats. Climate communications within the United States are more focused on informing the population about climate change, while foreign policy environmental institutions aim to fully protect the country’s national interests. Moreover, considering that the industrial sector of the People’s Republic of China is a leader in greenhouse gas emissions, a substantial threat lies in the potential deviation from commitments under the Paris Agreement. Conversely, the United States government has demonstrated some of the most progressive actions in mobilising resources within the framework of climate communications. An example of this is the executive order “Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad” and the Inflation Reduction Act. Within the European Union, a similar practice is represented by the European Green Deal, which frequently appears in mass media and has a transparent reporting system, enhancing climate literacy and awareness among broad segments of the population. Thus, the climate communication and diplomacy of the European Union focus on raising awareness both within and beyond its borders, while the US government prioritises foreign policy interests within its climate strategies. In contrast, the rhetoric of the government of the People’s Republic of China highlights the challenges in achieving the targets set by the Paris Agreement within the timeframe leading up to 2030.

The purpose of the study is to establish the role of climate change threat in shaping national strategies and foreign policy relations of the actors in international relations. The methods of the study include document analysis of international agreements and national legislation, case studies, and comparative analysis in the context of differences in approaches to climate communication. The results of the study demonstrate that the rhetoric of European Union officials and aspects of European climate strategies position the EU as a leader in adapting to climate threats. Climate communications within the United States are more focused on informing the population about climate change, while foreign policy environmental institutions aim to fully protect the country’s national interests. Moreover, considering that the industrial sector of the People’s Republic of China is a leader in greenhouse gas emissions, a substantial threat lies in the potential deviation from commitments under the Paris Agreement. Conversely, the United States government has demonstrated some of the most progressive actions in mobilising resources within the framework of climate communications. An example of this is the executive order “Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad” and the Inflation Reduction Act. Within the European Union, a similar practice is represented by the European Green Deal, which frequently appears in mass media and has a transparent reporting system, enhancing climate literacy and awareness among broad segments of the population. Thus, the climate communication and diplomacy of the European Union focus on raising awareness both within and beyond its borders, while the US government prioritises foreign policy interests within its climate strategies. In contrast, the rhetoric of the government of the People’s Republic of China highlights the challenges in achieving the targets set by the Paris Agreement within the timeframe leading up to 2030.

This paper analyzes if and how the Sweden Democrats (the SD), the Danish People’s Party (the DPP) and the Progress Party (the PP) in Norway use myths of national exclusiveness and myths about the common man to radicalize popularly held sentiments to attract votes and gain political credibility in political space. The specific contribution is that we consider national myths to be a relevant political opportunity structure in the political competition of the votes. We conclude that both the SD and the DPP make use of national myths to gain credibility in the political space, in order to sustain populist mobilization in these countries. However, this is not the case with the PP in Norway. One possible explanation is that already before the PP emerged, other political parties in Norway, such as the Center Party, occupied the niche of national myths in the electoral market. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Previous versions of this paper have been presented at the Nordic Political Science Association (NOPSA) conference in Vaasa (August 2011), the Danish Institute for International Studies (Diis) seminar in Copenhagen (April 2012), the Association for the study of nationalities (ASN) conference in New York (April 2012), the Department of Political Science in Oslo (May 2011), the International Migration, Integration and Social cohesion (IMISCOE) conference in Amsterdam (August 2012), and the Italian Political Science Society (SISP) conference in Rome (September 2012). The authors are very grateful for all the valuable comments that stem from these sessions.

National destination marketing organisations and Web 2.0 - Based on a detailed review of 25 web sites, supported by in-depth personal interviews, this paper evaluates the strategic response of European DMOs to the global marketing opportunities and threats presented by the rapid growth of Web 2.0. The main conclusion is that national DMOs, from the leading tourist destinations in Europe, have made only limited progress in this area. Much still needs to be done before they are fully utilising the interactive power of Web 2.0 for building strong customer and network relationships; for engaging with and energising online communities. The surveyed DMOs exhibited a high level of awareness and understanding concerning the global marketing and customer engagement potential of Tourism 2.0. There is considerable enthusiasm for moving forward in this area. However, major barriers to Web 2.0 adoption exist, especially in relation to internal resource constraints, organisational culture and mindset, the lack of a clear vision and strategy for 2.0, concerns about the loss of control and potential brand impact of user controlled social media. A route map for DMO Tourism 2.0 strategy development and implementation is presented. Keywords: e-tourism; web 2.0; tourism 2.0; DMOs; destination marketing.

Nationalism presents a multitude of ways to talk about characteristics of its mem-bers and to view how these characteristics are formed in a timeless past. Popula-tions identified as nations imagine themselves as sharing a collective identity and social solidarity. They form discourses offering ways of stipulating what defines nations in terms of collective characteristics, such as race, ethnicity, and religion. In many cases, these outright exclusive characteristics are subterranean, appearing in implicit forms and frequently combining with official claims regarding the civic and constitutional criteria for national membership. Turkish nationalism is no ex-ception. While historical and contemporary examples of exclusion abound in Tur-key’s political history, they are countered with official claims of equal and open membership. Often, these exclusions appear to be based on religion, as rules of in-clusion present a preference for Muslims from Sunni backgrounds. Based on two case studies, this article argues that the relationship between nation and religion is mediated through the racial exception. When racial otherness is present, the over-laps between nation and religion may be negotiated, reinterpreted, or disregarded.

In questo lavoro sono descritte alcune esperienze cliniche con bambini nati estremamente pretermine, osservati in setting diversi: sia nel contesto istituzionale (in un reparto di Terapia Intensiva Neonatale e in un ambulatorio per il follow-up dei nati pretermine), sia in uno studio di psicoterapia privato. Il lavoro longitudinale ha permesso di comprendere meglio alcune difficoltà di integrazione somato-psichica caratteristiche dei bambini pretermine. Nei casi presen-tati è possibile ricostruire come l’esperienza di intrusività sensoriale delle cure intensive possa influenzare il processo di integrazione nelle varie fasi dello sviluppo del bambino, rendendo particolarmente difficile l’interazione con le figure genitoriali.

Nati da Y. Segreto e anonimato - Nella scoperta freudiana il segreto si situa nel punto in cui la psicoanalisi si annoda con l’intimo delle famiglie. Con le infinite combinazioni che la tecnica permette, la modernità della procreazione rimescola le filiazioni. Così il segreto si sposterebbe dall’intimo delle famiglie verso un esterno in cui si trovano il legislatore e i medici che hanno il compito di vigilare su questo. Il reale della procreazione non dissolve i fantasmi né i segreti d’alcova più di quanto i desideri e le loro impasse non possano ridursi a una carta cromosomica. I soggetti nati da gameti anonimi si organizzano in associazioni per il diritto di sapere quale sia la parte mancante del loro patrimonio genetico: il segreto diventa la barriera contro la rivelazione dell’anonimato. Essi si definiscono "geneticamente" figli di madre ma non del padre e la forza della formula non impedisce lo scivolamento verso le questioni proprie di ogni soggetto nevrotico. Parole chiave: segreto - padre reale - significante - fantasmi - desiderio di sapere.